Kioumars Saberi-Foumani (Gol-Agha) was born on the 29th August 1941, in Sumeh Sara. His father died a year after his birth. His mother had a home school and used to teach. At the age of sixteen, he was accepted in the entrance exam of the Boarding School of Agriculture. At the age of eighteen, he became a primary school teacher in Sumeh Sara and then a teacher near Fouman. In 1961, he received a diploma in the field of literature and then began studying political science at University of Tehran. In the meantime, he was teachings as well. Saberi-Foumani came to Tehran in 1971 and was on the editorial board of Tawfiq newspaper until it was closed in 1976.
Afterwards, due to his acquaintance with Shahid Rajaei and some members of the Islamic movement, he began teachings at Karamouz Highschool which the Islamic Association of Engineers had founded. In that school, he was teaching literature and worked with Shahid Rajaei and some political figures of later periods. After the victory of the Revolution, he was the general director of the Department of Education for a while. After that, he became Shahid Rajaei’s advisor in educational affairs. After Shahid Rajaei was appointed as the Prime Minister, Saberi pursued his career as the adviser to the Prime Minister on educational affairs until the period of the presidency of Ayatollah Khamenei. He got engaged in literature when he was fourteen by composing a poem titled “Orphan” after which, he gained a reputation in Fouman as a poet. His first poem was published in Iran’s Omid magazine when he was only seventeen years old. For Gol-Agha, literary activity was merely a hobby and hence he did not take it seriously. According to his own words, he has not had a relationship with any poet or writer. An incident marked the beginning of his satirical writing.
It is said that from 1957-1959 Tehran publishers used to publish a monthly magazine called Books of the Month, which was sent free to those who were interested. Being a poor student, he decided to get this free monthly and read it. He was not very successful in satirical work until 1961 when he entered the University of Tehran. In that year, he was severely beaten in a student demonstration during which his neck was severely damaged due to heavy baton blows. Then, he wrote and sent a satirical poem to the Tawfiq newspaper under the pseudonym of Foumani’s Broken Neck. The poem was published in the next issue of Tawfiq with a brief modification. Hossein Tawfiq encouraged him to continue writing poems. After some time, he became Tawfiq’s assistant – who was the editor of Tawfiq newspaper – and continued his work until it was closed. The best part of Saberi’s work was a column called “Do Kalameh-ye Harf-e Hesab” that was published in Ettela’at newspaper. Gol-Agha Weekly is the continuation of the path pursued by Do Kalameh-ye Harf-e Hesab.
Hegemony and Gol-Agha
When confronting the concept of hegemony, Gol-Agha as one of the literary works of the Islamic Revolution finds itself before two options: first, helping the discourse of the Islamic Revolution become hegemonic, and second, it becomes hegemonic as a literary discourse in order to gain prevalence among other discourses. It should be noted that the functions of satire in society as well as the influence of society on satire and dealing with these effects and influences using the hegemonic approach, lead us to several cases of these influences. To show how to utilize such an approach we would only go through some cases.
Hegemonizing the System
One of the hegemonic approaches is to create a connection between the literary text and the discourse community, that is to say, what effect does the literary text have in hegemonizing or destabilizing the discourses in the social space? In the following, we discuss how Gol-Agha played a role in hegemonizing the discourse of the Islamic Revolution.
Creating Unity and Integrity between the System and the People
Gol-Agha raises doubts in public opinion about the government’s ability to solve the problems. In this view, it can be argued that Gol-Agha weakens the foundations of the myth of the government that people had in their minds. It questions the myth of being the solution to all problems, being powerful, and the sacredness of ministers and officials, etc. In other words, by providing a new articulation of the dominant discourse and its manifestations Gol-Agha gives new meanings to these manifestations which are different from the previous ones. This would lead to many changes some of which include transferring some duties to the people and providing the ground for the changes and reforms that the constructivist discourse sought to create.
The decrease in foreign investment along with the drop in oil prices – from $20 in 1991 to $12 in 1994 – led to an increase in Iran’s foreign debts and a decrease in its income thereby aggravating economic stagnation in the country. Iran’s Rial plummeted against the U.S. dollar declining from 70 Rials per dollar during the years before the Revolution to 1749 Rials and 6400 Rials per dollar in 1989 and 1995 respectively. The unemployment rate reached 30% and the price of goods such as sugar, rice and butter tripled and that of bread increased sixfold. As expected, some foreigners predicted the rapid collapse of the Islamic Republic; but this economic crisis paved the way not for a revolution, but for reforms.
Promoting Loyalty to the System
Gol-Agha is one of the discourses that was articulated in the heart of the discourse of the Islamic Republic for the promotion of which it produced meaning. Take for example the articulation of the signifiers of national identity i.e., Iran and religious identity or Islam.
“Dear reader! Gol-Agha, as a writer, does not seek to violate national sovereignty and degrade national prestige and authority. Because it does not believe that a political satirist or the head of a political and critical magazine should confront the officials; and also, it doesn’t want to create chaos and incitement among the citizens. We seek two main goals: Iran and Islam to which we are committed. This commitment comes from our beliefs. Satirical writing in the Third World is always a factor of fear and we make such a claim based on perception and understanding, not fear.”
Reinforcing the Power of the Discourse of the Islamic Revolution
Gol-Agha’s emphasis on development and the necessity of making changes and reforming structures was so reflected in this Weekly that it gradually brought about fundamental changes. This Weekly created an environment in which a newly elaborated discourse called reforms was able to establish its meanings and implement its rules and norms in society, and this was an example of political development in Iran.
Calling the people to participate in the elections is an example of the meanings produced by the system and the prescription of certain behaviours by this discourse for the people as its subjects and actors:
Gol-Agha discussed election issues more than any other magazine and began covering them on October 31, 1996, by devoting a special column to the election. Among other activities of Gol-Agha to encourage the readers, especially youth, to actively participate in the elections include:
“Dear readers of Gol-Agha. You have rights in a society that are very important. One of those very important rights is the right to participate in governance. It means you have a share in governing the country. How it would be realized? The future ministers, representatives, and even the president should be chosen from among you (and it will definitely be possible). Yes.
You are going to the polls today to vote for nine people whom you consider better and more qualified to serve your country than others. Also, the next generations will do the same and go to the polls and vote for someone. (And maybe you would be one of those candidates in the future.)
Criticizing the Islamic Republic System with the Aim of Making Reforms
In order to reduce the level of dissatisfaction caused by the criticism or eliminate it, Gol-Agha conflates criticism with a sense of humour and satire. With this method, the Weekly both entertains the readers and accompanies them to become aware of the existing conditions of the universe. Gol-Agha considers satire as a double-edged and very sensitive sword that does not intend to hurt anyone and is written only to make reforms. It considers itself like a honey bee that has both sting and honey. From the point of view of Gol-Agha, statesmen (dominant discourse), present an illusory definition of constructive criticism in order to impede it while stating that criticism must provide a solution; however, a critic’s job is not to provide solutions at all, especially someone who is engaged in satirical writing.
Satire as a Safety Valve
One of the theories that can be put forward about satire, especially when it is in line with dominant discourses, is that one may compare this type of literature to a safety valve since it prevents people and the revolution from committing transgression within the social structure. Therefore, this discourse with such a function could create a hegemonic space for itself. Although Gol-Agha does not accept this function for its satire; it could also play such a role, because undoubtedly the weekly has considered the system of the Islamic Republic a wise and efficient system, otherwise it would never have supported it: “Of course, any wise and reasonable government may use a political satirical magazine as a safety valve; however, we do not pursue this path. We have come to criticize and, in this way, we have not made any agreements behind the scenes with anyone. Of course, some officials like our work, yet, there has not been such a perception that society is in a dangerous situation which requires a safety valve for its survival. I must say this is not the case.”
Representing the People
Gol-Agha makes itself the representative and narrator of the discourse and culture that have always been waiting for a contact to convey their demands to those who might be able to fulfill them. Gol-Agha addresses the story of those who express their problems and needs. A story of people with various identities: farmer, student, university professor, employee, market broker, etc. The people who always complain would find Gol-Agha speaking on their behalf. Therefore, they seek to follow and complete the narratives made by Gol-Agha hoping that God, the government, the rich, etc. will also be with them and solve their problems; because in the episteme of this era in this country, the government must solve all problems and fulfill all demands. In such an atmosphere, it is as if the society is divided into two parts: one group has problems and another one solves problems, and Gol-Agha is a discourse or a communication channel that connects these two parts and apparently represents the non-dominant discourse.
“Dear compatriots, brothers and sisters!
Gol-Aga completely agrees with you. Gol-Agha’s loyalty to the Islamic system and the Ummah does not belong to recent years. The slogan “Your Gol-Agha” is not baseless, temporary and nominal; in other words, if Gol-Agha is to be in the scene, it would be with you forever.
Dear reader of Gol-Agha!
Gol-Agha is not affiliated with any group, party or faction. This is good both for this Weekly and for you.
Therefore, in the future - and forever – identify Gol-Agha with the title of “servant of the Iranian nation.” Any word or comment that is against this principle has not come from Gol-Agha, even if it was published in this Weekly. Gol-Agha is with you; in all circumstances and forever. Because Gol-Agha wants to be your voice via its satire.”
Creating Fun
By reading satirical works and creating common sense, a person could align his identity with satire and recognize satirical content as his own thereby going beyond the normative boundaries of society. Satire looks at the reader from two perspectives: first: the reader could understand it and align his identity with it, and second: the reader may not understand it.
Satire is not only become meaningful with the satirist’s creativity and expression but also the position of the reader is very important such that his cultural background and mental context make satire important and meaningful. Therefore, not only writing but also reading satire has many limitations due to social prohibitions and norms. This cultural and social background makes a person feel present in and belong to the society and know that there are others besides him who should observe such rules and restrictions in their relationships. However, writing and reading satire is not an ordinary work, rather it is a work intertwined with both pride and pleasure.
Reference: Islamic Revolution Studies. [A Quarterly Scientific-Research Journal] Vol 14, No 49, Summer 2017, Pp 179-197.
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