After his arrest, Imam Khomeyni was taken to the officers club and was imprisoned in a cell. Later on, he was transferred to the Palace garrison. On the same day, SAVAK accused him of “acting against the national security” and hence the temporary arrest warrant was issued against him to which he could object within a day. Imam Khomeyni was informed of the arrest warrant on June 6th, in which the regime stressed that the June 6th incident occurred as the result of the unity of the clerics, the Tudeh Party, the landlords, and the foreigners (the government of Egypt) against the Shah’s reforms.
The June 6th event was a national and public uprising that exposed the regime’s widespread fake propaganda on the existence of popular support for the Shah’s referendum and reforms. Therefore, the regime had no choice but to attribute this uprising to foreigners pretending that people are supporting the regime and the shah’s reforms. Therefore, the regime’s security agencies (SAVAK and Shahrbani – a law enforcement force in Iran) made great efforts to provide evidence for proving the Shah’s lies, and so they took different actions in this regard.
On the day that Shah made a speech, the Shahrabani headquarters ordered its Qom bureau to confiscate the documents of the office of Imam Khomeyni and arrest its chief of staff and send them to Tehran as soon as possible, stressing that “those documents by which we could track the income and expenses of the office of Imam Khomeyni, along with that person should be sent at any cost…”
Apparently, Shahrabani sought to obtain a valid document that proves the financial assistance that the Egyptian government offered to the demonstrators, but it failed. On the other hand, the SAVAK ordered its agents to collect reliable information regarding the personal and family background of Imam Khomeyni so that they might find some weak points and then undermine Imam Khomeyni’s personal and political prestige.
However, not only SAVAK did not find any weak points in Imam Khomeyni’s personal and family background, but also the reports showed his virtue, piety, courage, enlightenment, and popularity among the clergies and other groups of people.
Despite the atmosphere of intimidation, pressure, and repression that was prevailed following the June 6th event, people have repeatedly expressed their loyalty to Imam Khomeyni as well as their anger and hatred towards the Shah and his repressive actions: Thousands of Imam Khomeyni’s photographs which had been secretly printed were displayed in showcases of the stores in Tehran and other cities. On the occasion of religious and national celebrations, postcards picturing Imam Khomeyni were also secretly printed and distributed. In addition, slogans against the Shah and in favor of Imam Khomeyni were written on the paper money, the images of Imam Khomeyni engraved on the rubber stamps were printed on the walls in the streets, alleys, schools, and mosques, and eventually, the china plates on which the image of Imam Khomeyni had been painted were imported from in Japan to be sold in the market. This news was reported to SAVAK from time to time leading to its confusion since it could not stop those activities.
After the arrest of Imam Khomeyni, a great number of clergies and prominent figures reacted to his arrest and other political prisoners of the June 6th event.
By issuing statements and sending telegrams, the Shiite clerics in Iran and Iraq publicly condemned the arrest of Imam Khomeyni and other clerics as well as the killing of people who were attending the mourning ceremony on June 6. Also, less than a week after the arrest, dozens of the most prominent scholars and sources of emulation from all over the country came to Tehran in protest of Imam Khomeyni’s arrest and discussed the current situation. The mass migration of the clerics broke the atmosphere of oppression and strangulation in the country. Also, their overwhelming support for Imam Khomeyni has given him a high position.
The scholars, who had come to Tehran, sent an emissary to the Shah to arrange for a meeting between one of the clergies and the Shah. “You can be sure that we do not kill Khomeyni so that an Imamzadeh will be created! Rather, we will defame him among people,” said Shah to the clergies’ emissary. Hoping to bring the scholars to the negotiating table and reach an agreement with them, the regime has agreed that Ayatollah Khansari visits Imam Khomeyni in prison with the presence of the security officials. After the meeting, Ayatollah Khansari gave the good news of the physical well-being of Imam Khomeyni to the scholars, clerics, and other people, which brought happiness to all people. After this visit, the Tehran market reopened after it has been closed for several days.
During this period, the regime tried to demoralize the Imam by imposing great pressure on him so that he will accept to compromise and withdraw from fighting against the regime. But these pressures were in vain, and Imam, being steadfast in his struggle, even refused to answer the questions of the interrogators. The situation had put the regime in a deadlock. On the one hand, scholars and clerics who had come to Tehran were trying to force the regime to release Imam Khomeyni before Arba’in; because probably on that day people would hold widespread demonstrations across the country demanding the release of Imam Khomeyni, and on the other hand, the regime had not been able to influence Imam Khomeyni.
In addition, the regime believed that if it continues to exert pressure on Imam Khomeyni and making him face trial, the scholars who had raveled to Tehran would react strongly against such measures and this will spark off an uncontrolled riot across the country. On the other hand, releasing Imam Khomeyni was also not possible because it meant the withdrawal and submission of the regime to the pressure of the scholars, clergies, and public opinion, or in other words, the failure of the regime. Thus, the regime tried to keep them in suspense until Arba’in (July 14) and the fourteenth anniversary of the June 6th event (July 16) so that to prevent people from holding demonstrating across the country during those two days.
On July 19, all the arrested clerics – except Imam Khomeyni, Ayatollah Qommi and Hujjat al-Islam Dastgheyb – were released, and the next day, the chief of the SAVAK went to visit scholars who had come to Tehran and urge them to return to their cities. At the same meeting, he announced that Imam Khomeyni, Ayatollah Mahallati and Ayatollah Qommi will be exiled to various parts of the country.
Subsequently, the scholars convened to exchange views and make a decision on the issue of the exile of Imam Khomeyni and other scholars, and hence two delegates were appointed to meet with the Shah and express the scholars’ concern and opposition regarding the exile of Imam Khomeyni. But they were ignored by the Shah’s representative. In the meantime, the Chief of the SAVAK sent a “highly confidential” and “very urgent” telegraph to the head of the SAVAK in Qom, ordering him that the Security Commission of the city should hold a meeting to decide on the issue of sending Imam Khomeyni into exile. Two days later, it was announced that Sanandaj a majority Sunni city would be where Imam will be exiled. Subsequently, a place of residence was provided for Imam Khomeyni, his companions as well as the guards, but it is unclear why SAVAK changed its decision and did not exile Imam Khomeyni to Sanandaj.
However, on June 26th, Imam Khomeyni was transferred to the Eshratabad Garrison Prison. During his forty days’ imprisonment, Imam Khomeyni, in addition to performing daily prayers and recitation of the Holy Quran, used to study books about the Constitutional Revolution, Indian Independence, and Indonesian Independence. During this time, some scholars and clerics, including Imam Khomeyni’s elder brother, were able to meet him. It was during such visits that Imam Khomeyni was informed about the migration of several scholars to Tehran and called for the reopening of the market and the seminaries.
During the weeks that followed Imam Khomeyni’s arrest, a futile negotiation continued between immigrant scholars and top state officials. The aim of the regime was first, to show the clergies that the imprisonment of Imam Khomeyni is a bitter reality with which they must deal; second, to bring them to the negotiation table making them reaching an agreement with the regime so that their reputation will be tarnished; third, to drive the scholars to despair so that as the tide of public sentiment ebbs, they will have no way but to return to their homes. For this reason, several of those scholars issued statements condemning the regime’s negligence regarding the release of Imam Khomeyni and other imprisoned scholars and announced that they continue their resistance and presence in Tehran until their release.
Eventually, the regime decided to release Imam Khomeyni from prison but it continued monitoring his activities. Therefore, on August 3, the chief of the SAVAK went to prison to see Imam Khomeyni and informed him that he is deserved to receive the “Royal mercy”. During the meeting, he tried to pretend that the regime, after much research, found out that he had no contact with the foreigners and did not receive any assistance during the struggle! He also implicitly criticized Imam Khomeyni’s fiery speech on Ashura Day (June 4), and emphasized that since politics, in his view, is intertwined with lies and deceits so the clergies should not be engaged in such matters at all.
Imam Khomeyni also responded: we have never been engaged in the policy that you are defining. After this meeting, Imam Khomeyni was acquitted of the “collusion” on the order of the SAVAK chief, and so on August 2, Imam Khomeyni along with Ayatollah Shaykh Bahaoddin Mahallati and Ayatollah Haj Agha Hasan Qommi were moved to a house belonging to SAVAK in Tehran-which was guarded by security and police officers. As the news of the release of Imam Khomeyni was spreading among people, an unprecedented and severe storm in Tehran changed the face of the city and caused a lot of damage. Such a coincidence led many in Tehran to interpret the release of Imam Khomeyni as being a source for the occurrence of political storms in the future. During the early hours of Imam Khomeyni’s arrival in Tehran, some of the most prominent scholars who had come to the city, as well as the scholars of Tehran, went to see him.
As soon as people were informed of the presence of Imam Khomeyni, they went to his place of residence to see him such that an immense crowd filled the streets and alleys.
From 4 PM until late in the evening people were coming to Imam Khomeyni’s house such that a long queue of people has been formed outside the house. Since there had gathered a large crowd around the Imam’s house, it was not possible for all people to visit the Imam, so they asked him to look out of the window so that people could see his face, and Imam Khomeyni did. When people saw Imam Khomeyni, they burst into tears; tears which flowed from the hearts of the oppressed and patient lovers and reflected days and weeks of suffering and grief. From the first day of his arrival in Tehran, Imam Khomeyni wanted to change his place of residence. Three days after his arrival, he was transferred to a house in another neighborhood called Qeytarieh.
Upon the return of the scholars, a wave of pressure and oppression was spread throughout the country. On October 23, the trial of the leaders of the Freedom Movement of Iran was held. In November, law enforcement officers arrested a revolutionary preacher in Mashhad which immediately sparked intense clashes between the officers and people. The agents arrested a group of protesters and sent them to prison. Subsequently, the students of Navvab Seminary School also were arrested and sent to the garrison. On November 3, two of the defendants who had been sentenced to death in the appeals court were executed after suffering severe torture. On December 5, several prominent clerics of Tabriz were arrested. After this news was released, the storeowners closed their stores for four days.
The regime thought that with the return of the scholars and their failure in forcing the government to release Imam Khomeyni, the clergies and people would gradually accept this fact and Imam Khomeyni will be fade out of the memories, but the people expressed their loyalty in various ways. Hundreds of letters and postcards were sent to Imam Khomeyni on the occasion of the Mab’ath and Sha’ban religious celebrations, wishing him health and freedom. Although this was not without danger and SAVAK controlled all of the mails, yet many people wrote their names on the back of the envelopes hoping to receive a reply from Imam Khomeyni. At mourning ceremonies and religious celebrations, many preachers were talking about Imam Khomeyni and people also chanted in favor of him, which often resulted in their arrest and torture.
Before the holy month of Ramadan, Ayatollah Khansari tried to persuade the regime to release Imam Khomeyni. Although the regime accepted some of his suggestions it refused to release Imam Khomeyni. The regime opposed that suggestion probably due to the following reasons:
a. It was still uncertain whether Imam Khomeyni if released, would continue his struggle or not. Also, the regime hoped that finally, Imam Khomeyni accepts the reconciliation or that it would take advantage of his release by asking scholars to provide a guarantee or grant privileges to the government.
B. The regime was preparing to hold the first anniversary of the referendum and knew that probably if Imam Khomeyni is released he would carry out anti-regime measures before the month of Ramadan, causing numerous problems. Therefore, although in the view of Shah, it was more likely that during the holy month of Ramadan especially the Nights of Power, in which so many Muslims would participate in religious ceremonies held in the mosques across the country, the religious lecturers will criticize the regime for imprisoning Imam Khomeyni and other scholars, yet, he did accept to release Imam Khomeyni. In the meantime, rumors were spread that Imam Khomeyni will be released on the day of Eid al-Fitr. Perhaps the SAVAK also fueled such rumors to raise people’s hope regarding the imminent release of Imam Khomeyni, while also deterring them from taking drastic measures – which could delay his release- against the regime.
The Shah had no choice but to release Imam Khomeyni but tried to put it off until the introduction of the new cabinet to pretend that the previous government was responsible for the arrest of Imam Khomeyni and other clerics. On March 8, 1964, the government of Alam resigned, and on the same day, Shah appointed Hasan Ali Mansour as the new prime minister. Two days later, parliament approved the new cabinet. As expected, the new government tried to pursue a friendly policy with respect to the clergy. Therefore, many speculated that Imam Khomeyni will be released before the New Year, and hence some people began to print and distribute his pictures which in some cases resulted in their arrest and imprisonment.
Eventually, the regime decided to release Imam Khomeyni after the anniversary of the Feyzieh incident and before the months of Dhul-Hijjah and Muharram. So two senior governments and security officials visited Imam Khomeyni and informed him of his release. Imam Khomeyni replied: “... if you want to do the same thing you have done it would be better for me to stay here. Don’t create tensions again.”
The SAVAK security forces, led by Colonel Molavi, the chief of the SAVAK bureau of Tehran, brought Imam Khomeyni from Qeytarieh to Qom during the night. On April 4, 1964, at about 10 PM, the officers left Imam Khomeyni in Nekoui Square in Qom which was not more than a hundred meters away from his house. Some people who knew Imam Khomeyni rushed to welcome him and helped him get to his house while reciting salawat and chanting slogans. Soon after, the crowds flocked to Imam Khomeyni’s house and some of the prominent scholars and clerics came to his house on the same night to visit him. The meetings lasted until 4 PM.
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