As a cultural institution in the social system of the second Pahlavi era, the mosques, that were part of the cultural system, contributed to the fulfillment of the fourth function i.e., preserving the motivational and value-based pattern. The Shah, who chose the slogan of the Pahlavi regime as “God, King, Homeland,” expected mosques to provide spiritual support for him as the only Shi’ah political ruler in the world, function as a place of performing the acts of worship in its strict sense of the word, and avoid engaging in governmental, social and political issues. He also travelled to Makkah, Mashhad, Qom and the like and considered himself a believer and follower of the Islamic and Shi’ah teachings. In the years of the Islamic Revolution, i.e., the 1960s and 1970s, the mosques, by being dysfunctional, that is to say, promoting value-based and motivational patterns contrary to official ones, created division and contradiction within the fourth function of the social system of the Pahlavi era thereby causing that social system to be subject to imbalance and confusion in terms of preserving the motivational patterns and cultural system. Playing such a role was influential and influenced by a covert function of the mosques: organizing the communications of the revolutionary combatants during the Islamic Revolution, creating a media to spread information, and neutralizing the influence of the media affiliated with the Shah’s regime on the revolutionary masses.
The Shah’s regime made great efforts to resolve this conflict and division and restore balance to the cultural sphere. However, these efforts were failed, especially due to the organized activities of mosques and the regime’s misguided and suppressive approach to these new values instead of adapting to them, and therefore, the above-mentioned disorder and division spread throughout the social system and other functions thereby causing them to lose their balance. As a result, the order established by the Pahlavi regime was disintegrated and replaced by the new political, economic, legal, and cultural system so that balance would be created within the social system by the means of the new factor, i.e., new motivational and value-based patterns that primarily were introduced and propagated by mosques.
The Unity of the Activists Committed to (Islamic) Conflicting Value-Based Patterns and the Exchange of Ideas Between Them
The documents of the Islamic Revolution show that this role was performed by mosques in various formats. Also, since most of the activities during the Islamic Revolution were managed from Tehran, such role of mosques has emerged in Tehran more than in any other city: One of the most prominent collaborations between Islamic thinkers took place in the mosques such as al-Javad Mosque in Tehran. Ayatollah Mofatteh, along with his like-minded counterparts, “attended the al-Javad Mosque in Tehran and... with the help of Ayatollah Motahhari, Ayatollah Dr. Beheshti, Hujjat al-Islam Dr. Mohammad-Javad Bahonar and others, held various classes and sessions in this mosque.” This is also the case with what happened in Bojnourd.
In addition, other groups used to share Islamic teachings and their views on current issues. Tavakkoli-Bina, who used to attend the mosques in Tehran’s Bazaar, said: “There were communities in the mosques. Every morning, especially at noon and at night, there was a gathering here... There were people who distributed leaflets. Information was exchanged, and it was a base that people benefited from, especially the combatant class...”
Sayyed Ali-Asghar Dastghayb also says in his memoirs: “Since 1969, at the suggestion of some faithful youth, a public meeting was held on Tuesday nights in the Haj Mirza Karim Mosque, located in one of the old neighbourhoods of Shiraz. Gradually, in that atmosphere of oppression, Haj Mirza Karim Mosque was recognized as one of the centres of revolutionary activity and struggle against the dictatorial regime, and therefore raised the concern for SAVAK.”
One of the signs of the presence of these like-minded activists in the mosques was hanging banners on the doors and walls of the mosque that reflected their intellectual perspectives on the current situation. For example, document No. 78800 of Tehran Branch of SAVAK, which was recorded in July 1975, shows that phrases such as “Islam means mobility,” “Muslim, what does silence mean?” “God has graced those who wage jihad with their possessions and their persons by a degree over those who sit back” and so on could be seen on the walls of the Jalili Mosque of Tehran.
The imams of the mosques (prayer leaders) were also used to share ideas and exchange views. According to the confidential bulletin of SAVAK that covered the news of the period from December 16, 1971, to March 15, 1972: after the deportation of Hujjat al-Islam Majdoddin Mahallati, a prayer leader in Shiraz, a group of imams of the mosques of Shiraz held a meeting and sent a letter to one of the religious authorities (maraja’) of Qom asking for guidance. This shows the unity and cooperation of this group of people who were pursuing their activities in mosques, in adopting a single value-based position.
Introducing the Conflicting Value-based Patterns in Social and Political Spheres to People
At this stage, new value-based patterns are taught to the people through delivering lectures, holding popular classes, promoting special books, the arts and even holding conferences. The following shows some examples of these measures:
Delivering a Speech by a Clergy
The clergy used to deliver speeches in the mosques, especially during the months of Muharram, Safar, Ramadhan and other religious occasions. However, Jafarian believes that according to SAVAK documents: “In the late 1960s, a circle of clergy and religious speakers in Tehran and other cities, simultaneously and regularly, was established, and its main mission was raising social and political issues within a seemingly religious framework. As the SAVAK report indicates, on December 29, 1969, a meeting was held at the house of Mohammad-Javad Bahonar, in which Mortaza Motahhari, Mahallati, Mahdavi-Kani, Ali-Asghar Morvarid, Akbar Hashemi-Rafsanjani, Sayyed Ali Ghayouri, Shaykh Jafar Shajouni and Lahouti participated. They aimed to organize a plan for sending preachers to the villages. These meetings were held every week. Also, they had secret meetings in which religious programs were organized to be held in Tehran mosques during the above-mentioned period and afterwards.”
Holding Classes for People
We have already mentioned the limited and relatively secret classes that reflected the unity of like-minded people and the exchange of opinions between them; but here we want to discuss an exciting and popular class in the field of public education, in which the value-based patterns that contradict the prevailing social system among the people were promoted. For example, the Keramat Mosque in Mashhad was the place of activity of Ayatollah Khamenei, who used to, according to SAVAK documents, “attend there and interpret some verses of the Holy Quran after the prayer. He was given the necessary warnings a few days ago....” Mohammad-Ali Mahdavirad, one of the revolutionaries of Mashhad, states: “Mr. Khamenei held lessons on exegesis of the Holy Quran every Thursday and Friday at the Mirza Jafar School, then at a mosque near the Ebdal Khan School, and then in the Qibla Mosque. A very passionate and inspiring commentary... Imam Hasan (AS) Mosque was another place in which he used to talk about Nahj al-Balaghah and deliver fiery speeches on different occasions.”
Likewise, thanks to the management and efforts of Ayatollah Taleqani and his famous lesson on the exegesis of the Holy Quran that had a social and political aspect, the Hedayat Mosque in Tehran, which was established in 1948, became a source of inspiration for many people and attracted a large audience, some of whom later became influential revolutionaries, such as Rajaei, Chamran and the late Dr. Hasan Habibi. Eventually, given the social aspect of these meetings, the Shah’s regime closed such classes and imprisoned him.
Promoting Special Books
During the years of the Islamic Revolution, the educational and cultural activities of mosques were expanded to such an extent that according to the document No. 178 of the archive of the Islamic Revolution Document Centre: “The SAVAK should prepare a report about the mosques, Islamic associations or other religious places that have a library and mention their approximate number of books as well. Head of SAVAK in Tehran, Parnianfar.”
The Arts
The revolutionary forces also used the tool of play to teach people social and political content on the basis of Islamic teachings and culture. This is recorded in document No. 11508/312 of the Third General Directorate of SAVAK branch in Khorasan: “Recently, it has been observed that some religious meetings, under the influence of said people, try to perform plays that contain provocative and misleading content... therefore, from now on, performing any play in religious meetings, mosques and religious centres should be prevented and the report shall be sent to the SAVAK Headquarters.”
Holding Meetings and Conferences to Promote the Social and Political Views
According to the confidential bulletin of SAVAK that covered the news of September 23, 1975, to March 21, 1976: On January 23, 1976, Ayatollah Golpaygani, in order to express sympathy with Lebanese Muslims, organized a meeting in the Imam Mosque of Qom in which a number of clergymen, seminary students and people attended. In this gathering, first, a Lebanese person addressed the audience in Arabic, then a cleric, while referring to the situation of the Lebanese Shi’ahs, attacked the Christians and the Israeli regime and prayed for the victory of the Muslims. Finally, funding was raised for Lebanese Shi’ahs.”
Likewise, one should consider the meeting held in the Azizollah Mosque of Tehran in which 10000 people, as well as foreign ambassadors and Iranian preachers, were attended to discuss and address the issues of the Islamic world.
Criticizing the Policies Dominating the Social System, Based on the Conflicting Value-based Pattern
Clerics and social activists in mosques used speeches, leaflets, audiotapes, and the like to criticize the policies of the social system of the second Pahlavi era, and even held gatherings, staged the demonstrations, and began confronting the forces of the Shah’s regime.
In the memoirs of his observations of Tehran, Foucault dealt with an issue that indicates the role of the conflicting discourse of the clergy with the ruling system in mobilizing public opinion and social forces against the Shah’s regime: “The clergy are the source of permanent consolation: they must deny the tyranny, criticize the government, rise up against the wrongdoings, condemn and guide... Shi’ah Islam... immediately after mobilizing people, would take the form of a political struggle creating a force out of dissatisfaction, hatred, poverty, and frustration. This force by itself is a form of expression, a way of being together, a kind of discourse. It is something through which one can reach out and together with other people seek the same desires and ideals.”
Delivering Lectures in the Mosque and Critically Analyzing the Regime’s Actions
Naturally, criticizing the ruling policies first appeared in the speeches made by the clergy. Several SAVAK documents indicate how Ayatollah Qazi-Tabatabai in the mosques of Tabriz, especially the Sha’ban Mosque, criticized and put pressure on the government until his arrest on December 4, 1963. For example, on November 8, 1963, he objected to the execution of the Tayyeb Haj Rezaei; on October 17, 1963, he denounced the government for squandering the public resources; and on October 17, 1963, he condemned the regime’s action of killing innocent people who had participated in a demonstration in Tehran.
One of the most important critical speeches of Hujjat al-Islam Falsafi was held on January 15, 1966, in the Azizollah Mosque in Tehran, during which the speaker, in the presence of the Prime Minister and the then chief of Shahrbani (a law enforcement force in Iran), strongly criticized anti-religious articles published in the newspapers, imprisoning political activists and passing non-Islamic laws in the country.
Likewise, at the Hazira Mosque in Yazd, Ayatollah Sadouqi repeatedly criticized the government’s actions. For instance, as the SAVAK documents show, on April 30, 1978, at 8:30 p.m. he made a speech in the same mosque and said:
“Should a government that possesses so many weapons, use them to kill the nation? Are we not part of the nation? If the government tolerates the people and responds to their demands, no one will make any demonstration... We are against the ugly deeds and wrong plans of the government…”
According to SAVAK documents, in the first half of the 1970s, almost every month, one of the clergy and prayer leaders had been banned from delivering speeches and propagation because of protesting against the actions of the Shah’s regime. In the meantime, many were arrested or deported, and several others were martyred, including Hujjat al-Islam Hoseyn Ghaffari.
Distributing Critical Leaflets
The clergy and intellectual activists of the mosques were not content with only informing their audience in the mosque and used the latest technologies to convey their critical message to others. According to document No. 60, dated March 1, 1978, of the archive of the Islamic Revolution Documentation Centre, one of the informants of SAVAK in Bojnourd says: “Valiollah Maddah, a seminary student, stated that during the holidays, Mr. Hoseyni... is bringing some cassette tapes that contained lectures of the Khalkhali and some others to the Fatemi Mosque. They were recorded in the meetings organized by Ruhollah Khomeini. He plays them for the seminary students. He added that Shaykh Ebrahim Esfidani criticized and challenged 66 [= Shah] in his talks.”
In 1963, a report was recorded by SAVAK that clearly indicates the distribution of protest leaflets: “In the last week of August, the activity of the clergy was intense, and people from Qom and other places regularly would come to Mashhad and (Hujjat al -Islam) Qommi insulted and sharply criticized the governing system. Also, five types of leaflets were distributed in Goharshad Mosque. The governor and the commander of the army were very angry.”
Using Religious Activities to Express the Objection
One of the interesting methods used in mosques to criticize the ruling policies was changing the function of religious activities. Javad Maqsoudi, who used to attend the mosques in Tehran’s Bazaar, explained the activities of these mosques during the Islamic Revolution:
“Our friends were the ones who used every opportunity to confront the regime, held mourning sessions and were very careful about choosing the speaker, the place, and time such as the months of Muharram, Safar and Ramadhan. They were vigilant and ready to take the necessary steps against the regime in accordance with the occasions and circumstances.” One of the most important examples in this regard was the Bill of States and Provincial Associations concerning which four scholars of Tehran, including Ayatollah Sayyed Mohammad Behbahani, Ayatollah Sayyed Ahmad Khansari, Ayatollah Shaykh Mohammad Reza Tonekaboni and Ayatollah Shaykh Mohammad-Taqi Amoli, decided to organize a meeting on the first day of the month of Rajab (November 1962) in Sayyed Azizollah Mosque of Tehran and invite a large crowd of people. This decision became a cause of concern to the regime and hence it abrogated the bill.
Negative Struggle
Unlike the Marxist circles, the mosques, while following the advice of Imam Khomeini (RA) organized peaceful rallies and demonstrations in order to stop the rise of tensions and violence and prevent the revolutionaries from engaging in armed struggles during the Revolution. This caused some religious scholars to begin pursuing a negative struggle against the regime and show their protest by suspending the holding of congregational prayers.
In 1962, Imam Khomeini (RA) in protest at the Shah’s White Revolution, asked the people to not attend the mosques during Ramadhan, and this type of negative struggle was pursued on many other occasions, especially in 1964 and 1978 on the anniversary of the 15th of Khordad uprising [June 5, 1963] and the ceremony of the 15th of the month of Sha’ban.
Holding a Protest Rally in the Mosque
One of the most important gatherings on the verge of the Islamic Revolution was a sit-in held by a number of clergy and students at the University of Tehran Mosque. This event had a great impact on the opening of Mehrabad Airport and the arrival of the Supreme Leader. Another example is the martyrdom of Haj Agha Mostafa Khomeini after which the Molla Mosque in Shiraz, the Ahmadiyyah Narmak Mosque in Tehran in which Ayatollah Mohammad-Taqi Jafari made a speech, the Vali-e Asr Mosque in Tehran, and the Qala-ye Beygi Mosque in Tabriz which was active under the leadership of Hujjat al-Islam Sayyed Mahdi Amini, hosted the people who gathered there to protest against the regime and support Imam Khomeini (RA). Then, the regime forces surrounded the mosques and closed them.
Inciting People, Threatening to Hold Demonstrations and the Like
In some cases, the mosque activists practically criticized the regime’s policies and hence, in addition to gatherings, demonstrations also were held and pressures were exerted on the regime. For example, the document No. 22141 of the Imperial Iranian Army’s Second Bureau of Tabriz indicates: “On Wednesday, October 16, 1963, at 7 p.m. Mr. Sayyed Mohammad-Ali Tabatabai made a speech in the Sha’ban Mosque [Tabriz] after the congregational prayers and said… the tyrannical and oppressive regime should know that if Mr. Khomeini is not released from the prison the Iranian Muslims would take any measure to make that happen.”
Confronting with Regime Forces
In 1978, Ayatollah Sadouqi Mosque in Yazd was practically turned into a stronghold of the bloody struggle against the regime. In April and May of that year, he addressed people for two nights: “I have been informed that several military vehicles have come to Yazd to rush to the mosque at a suitable time and beat, kill and arrest you. First, I hope that it would be a lie, but if it was true, I want to give you an ultimatum that if anyone cannot endure a beating or face death, he/she should not attend this meeting tomorrow night.”
The Covert Function of Mosques: Forming a Communication Network and Neutralizing the Influence of the Regime’s Media
During this period, mosques also played a covert function, i.e., organizing the revolutionary combatants and contributing to forming a kind of communication network in social and political fields, which practically neutralized the influence of the prevailing media among the combatant groups.
For example, Stempel in his book points to the failure of the government’s media monopoly and the restrictions it placed on political education: “In the rest of 1977... for the first time, the mosque network proved its effectiveness to the opposition and allowed the freedom movement to convey the orders and messages to its supporters. As a result, ordinary citizens became aware of another source of information that was not dependent on the government... These main groups interpreted events for their followers and others who were interested, and this method of disseminating the political information has replaced the government’s mass media which were controlling the news.”
Also, the administrative structure of the mosques as well as the organization of their relations at the national and local levels are very important. In 1977 and 1978, the struggles in Tehran were led by a council consisting of Ayatollah Beheshti, Hujjat al-Islam Bahonar, Ayatollah Mofatteh and Ayatollah Motahhari. These people were in contact with prominent clergy in other cities. The struggles in each city were based on a mosque. Qoba Mosque in Tehran, Jame’ Mosque in Shiraz, and Sayyed Mosque in Esfahan of which Ayatollah Mofatteh, Ayatollah Dastghayb and Ayatollah Taheri were the prayer leaders respectively, in addition to Seddiqeh Mosque and Imam Hasan Mosque in Mashhad in which Ayatollah Khamenei, Ayatollah Tabasi and Hujjat al-Islam Hasheminejad were leading the prayer as well as Rouzeh Mohammadieh Mosque (Hazira) in Yazd that acted under the leadership of Ayatollah Sadouqi... all played such a role. Moreover, the big cities were divided into several neighbourhoods in a manner that a mosque was placed at their centre to organize the activities related to the movement, from holding demonstrations to distributing leaflets.
Reference: Journal of Culture-Communication Studies. Vol. 14, Issue 24, Winter 2014, Pages 163-190
Archive of The History of the Islamic Revolution
leave your comments