As far as the nature of the concept of threat is concerned, it is divided into two main categories:
A. Normative issues: They form the mental aspect that is part of the actor’s interests defined in relation to his identity and true construction.
B. Practical issues: They have an objective aspect and correspond to the efficiency of the political system.
The difference between the two is that the latter deals with issues such as intervention, sabotage, coercion, and, military attack (war), which are often interpreted as hard threats; But the cases of the first category create the basis of soft threats. In this regard, the threats that, instead of territorial integrity, target the legitimacy of a political entity, culture, national identity, ideological values, public norms, social cohesion, loyalty and national pride are classified as soft threats.
The characteristics of this type of soft threat include:
1. Having a gradual process: It means that the aggressor or invader gradually and quietly implements his plans, because one of the goals of soft attack is building a culture in the context of the target social strata of the country and that institutionalizing a culture is a time-consuming process. For this reason, when a soft threat is institutionalized in society, controlling and dealing with it in a short time is impossible.
2. Multiplicity of insecurity generators: Unlike the hard threats in which mostly the governments would generate insecurity, in the formation of soft threats, numerous sources generate insecurity such as the governments, transnational institutions, terrorist groups, non-governmental organizations, parties and pressure groups all of which can somehow create challenges for the establishment of public order.
3. Considering the soft tools: One of the distinctions between soft war and hard war is that while weapons are used in the latter, the role of tools such as the internet, satellite, cinema, text and video messages, mobile phones, social networks, etc... is more prominent in the former.
The Fundamentals of the Identity of the Islamic Republic
The identity of the Islamic Republic of Iran, as a political system established in the territory of Iran and founded by the Islamic Revolution, which seeks to achieve development, can be defined and determined within the framework of an identity square. That is to say, Islamic, Iranian, revolutionary and independence and anti-arrogance form the four sides of the identity square of the Islamic Republic as a political system. Of course, these elements do not have the same weight in terms of consolidating the identity of the Islamic Republic. Undoubtedly, the factor of being Islamic in these four elements is of great importance in a manner that it can be claimed that being Iranian, revolutionary and non-aligned fall under the category of being Islamic.
Shi’ah Islamism
The most important intellectual and ideological structure that strengthens the national identity of the Islamic Republic of Iran is Shi’ah Islamism. The occurrence of the Islamic Revolution in Iran gave rise to a theory within the general theories of revolutions, called the “Cultural Theory of Revolutions.” This theory is the manifestation of the soft power of Iran’s Revolution which is rooted in religious and Islamic identity. This has led to the recent emergence of a theory within the cultural theories of the revolution called “religion as the cause of the revolution” based on which some domestic and foreign thinkers have analyzed the revolutions.
Iranian Nationalism
Also, this variable plays an important role in the correct narration of the behaviours and actions of the Islamic Republic and in many cases, it has a direct impact on how the country decides.
Along with various liberal, archaic, anti-colonial and racist readings, the reading that has shaped the national identity of the Islamic Republic is the religious-nationalist one which emphasizes the role and position of Islam and Shi’ism in the formation of the Iranian nation and national identity. Contrary to all different interpretations of nationalism, this type of reading asserts that nationality and religion and consequently national and divine sovereignty have no fundamental contradiction, and rather, there is a close link between Iranism and Islamism.
In this type of nationalism, the “national sovereignty” which of course has a linear relation with the divine sovereignty, along with “independence,” “freedom of political action,” “non-interference of foreigners in the internal affairs of Iran,” “freedom” and “equality” are seen as the fundamental values and principles.
Non-Dependence and Anti-Arrogance
Independence is a type of international political discourse and semantic system that has an anti-colonial, anti-arrogance and anti-hegemonic nature. This intellectual structure opposes the existing international political-economic order thereby seeking to reform it and achieve the desired order in an attempt to serve the interests of developing and southern countries. The most important principles and goals of non-dependence are international justice, economic development, practical equality of countries, independence and freedom of action, independence from blocs and great powers, making reforms, amendment or change in laws, norms and international institutions, etc.
Being Revolutionary
The Islamic Revolution, as one of the elements of the identity of contemporary Iran, plays a key and fundamental role in defining the construction of identity, both in the individual and collective spheres of the Islamic Republic, such that after more than four decades of the Islamic Revolution, still, the political structures of the country use the suffix “revolution” and that “being revolutionary” is the most important political value that draws the line between “self” and “other.” This notion, which has also been reflected in the introduction of the Constitution of the Islamic Republic, is influenced by Shi’ah Islamic culture. Among the most significant elements that have revolutionized Shi’ah political culture is the principle of Imamate, awaiting the reappearance of Imam al-Mahdi (a), Occultation of Imam al-Mahdi (a), believing in the illegitimacy of the sovereignty of a non-infallible individual or one who has not been authorized by the infallible Imam, martyrdom, prudent dissimulation, piety, justice, and the principle of enjoining good and forbidding evil.
In other words, “Shi’ism in Iran has never lost its power of opposition and protest, which is its inherent feature, against material and worldly powers. The symbols of stability, endurance, sacrifice and uprising for truth and justice are manifested in various Shi’ah rituals, and this religion has a significant capacity to give a religious orientation to political strife; The popular logic and terms such as” the victory of the oppressed over the arrogant “in addition to giving the promise of the establishment of social justice with the reappearance of the Imam al-Mahdi (a) show that this religion can provide a proper setting for protest and revolution.”
Soft Threats from the Perspective of the Leaders of the Islamic Republic
Imam Khomeini and Ayatollah Khamenei’s interpretations of the political system in Islam and the Islamic Republic face two types of threats in the practical arena:
The first category is the threats that have targeted the efficiency and effectiveness of this system and somehow try to undermine its capabilities. Assassinating key and central figures of the system in the early decades of the Revolution and disrupting the network of constructive relations between structures and institutions can be seen as the enemies’ efforts to influence the efficiency of the system. Imam Khomeini and the Supreme Leader have interpreted such threats as mischief, evil, and irrational actions, which indicate their lower value compared to the second category of threats and the hard aspect of the threat.
“One of the issues that they are desperately pursuing is to eliminate the people’s trust in the efficiency of the system... all [their words] are aimed at creating this negative image of the Islamic system in the minds of the people and eliminating their trust.”
The second category consists of the threats that target the credibility and true identity of the political system, and that is why we see people ignoring the basic principles and rules of these institutions, or not adhering to the rules of communication that govern them, and finally, the weakness of their intellectual-emotional relation with people which is based on accepting and admiring them.
The threats for which terms such as harm, defect, plague, calamity, etc., are used in the words of Imam Khomeini and Ayatollah Khamenei, can be interpreted as “soft threat.” A threat that mostly threatens the religious man and his religious upbringing, which if weakened or declined, the principle and basics of Islamic politics will be endangered. “During the first decade of the Revolution, they (the United States) started with “hard” plots – the Imposed War and the economic sanctions – to overthrow the Islamic Republic, but they were not successful... Later on, they followed a policy of “soft” overthrow.” “In psychological warfare, the enemy seeks to destroy the spiritual stronghold.”
Normative Soft Threats from the Perspective of the Leaders of the Islamic Republic
These soft threats target the idea of a political system, which include:
A. Normative Soft Threats that Address Shi’ah Islamism
1. Non-Monotheistic Orientation:
Since the whole universe is a manifestation of God’s power, the first realm in which a soft threat may be produced is faith and belief; This means that if any policy or action deprives the specific relationship of “being from God” and “towards God” and ultimately ends in arrogance and selfishness, it will be considered as a soft threat to the Islamic political system. Obviously, the weakness or decline of the belief of the people in Islamic principles is equal to the collapse from within and should be regarded as a very dangerous soft threat. The Supreme Leader states: “Today, the cultural invasion of the enemy, the promotion of corruption, oppression, disbelief and licentiousness among Islamic societies endanger the religious beliefs of Muslims… Today, global arrogance has mobilized its scientific force and all its agents to undermine the Islamic thought by the means of thinking, culture and knowledge.”
2. Undermining the Cultural Basics of Accepting the Wilayah (Guardianship):
“Wilayah” in Islamic discourse is recognized as a factor of integration and a combination of abilities. For this reason, any decline or weakness that occurs in Wilayah can lead to the weakening of power from within, which is the source of many soft threats: “Another distinction of Imam Khomeini’s political thought in preserving and safeguarding the values the manifestation of which can be seen in his elaboration of the issue of Wilayat al-Faqih (Guardianship of the Jurist)... Wilayat al-Faqih is the engineer of the system. It protects the guidelines and directions of the system and it prevents it from deviation.”
“The friendly relationship between the leader and the nation contributes to solving the problems and overcoming the obstacles in various fields. Therefore, the enemy propaganda is focused on the principle of the concept of Wilayat al-Faqih and the rule of the clergy... the enemy has targeted the leadership to defeat the Revolution.”
3. Secularism and Secularization:
Despite the different interpretations of secularism, this term, in the view of Imam Khomeini and Ayatollah Khamenei, denotes the tendency and inclination of peripherical construction towards being independent of the central construction. This tendency may be accompanied by various justifications including the principle of specialization, which emphasizes the thematic separation of religion from other fields, such as economics or politics; or the category of organizational order, which refers to the separation of the special function of the Wilayat al-Faqih from other structures; or the subject of social change and development that supports the formation of modern societies that reject the high supervision of religious institutions in certain areas. Such thinking will lead to the view that the central construction of Wilayat al-Faqih can play a nominal and superficial role in relation to the peripheral construction. In other words, these theories conclude that central construction can be maintained, provided that its scope of authority is limited to a ceremonial authority that is far from being effectively involved in managing the special affairs of peripheral construction. In the view of Imam Khomeini and Ayatollah Khamenei, such a pattern of behaviour is the realization of secularism.
B. Normative Soft Threats Against Iranian Nationalism
1. Extreme Nationalism:
By validating the criteria of identity such as language, race, history, etc., extreme nationalism causes a rift among the Islamic ummah and activation of its components in order to make them separate from this body and become independent units. The damage caused by extremist nationalism is the emergence of conflict and war. On the contrary, Islam is a harbinger of the unity of the single nation confirming geographical considerations to the extent of “patriotism.” In this regard, Imam Khomeini said: “It is stated in Islam that all races—whether Arab, or Turk, or non-Arab—have their own place. We have repeatedly stressed that based upon the principles of Islam, such boundaries are rejected.”
C. Normative Soft Threats Against the Anti-Arrogance and Non-Dependence
1. Westernization/Easternization
The tendency towards Eastern and Western ideologies, whether it leads to replacing Islam with the rival ideology or re-viewing it based on such ideologies, is regarded as a soft threat that ultimately targets the identity thereby facilitating the decline of the political system from within. Imam Khomeini said: “As long as the westernization and Eastern influences are present in our nation, there is no hope for improvement. We must concentrate all our efforts to free ourselves from this intellectual and cultural dependence… whether it is the culture of that side which is all immoral or it is the culture of the other side which is all corruption.”
2. Functional Soft Threats from the Perspective of the Leaders of the Islamic Republic:
Given the foundation of the Islamic political system upon the theory of Wilayat al-Faqih, one may argue that it has an effective mechanism to protect the system. However, at the same time, the aspects and operational considerations of the system also should be taken into account. In addition, “efficiency” in responding to current needs has been defined as one of the fundamental elements of the philosophy of the Islamic state. Accordingly, the main indicator of soft governmental threats is the “efficiency” of the political system.
A. Soft Practical Threats Against Shi’ah Islamism
1. The Disqualification of the Leader:
The most important practical threat is the disqualification of the leader due to lacking some special characteristics. A clear example of this threat can be seen in the successorship to Imam Khomeini and the issue of Hoseyn-Ali Montazeri. Imam Khomeini, despite emphasizing his scientific capabilities, believed that he lacks the special qualifications to lead the Islamic system. That is why Imam Khomeini resolutely dismissed him in order to preserve and save the future of the political system. He stated: “As it has become clear that after me you would hand over the country and the dear Islamic Revolution of the Muslim people of Iran to liberals and through their channel to hypocrites, you have lost the merit and legitimacy of being the future leader of the system.”
B. Normative Functional Soft Threats Against Iranian Nationalism
1. Injustice and People’s Discontent:
Injustice and people’s discontent are dangerous threats to social cohesion because they lead to the erosion and destruction of social relations within society and the loss of social capital. The origin of this soft threat is the “popular support of power” and the fact that dissatisfaction and injustice deprive the governments of popular support. These soft threats target the popular support of the system and hence are considered as dangerous factors: “I advise the honourable officials of the Islamic Republic of Iran, in the present conditions and the distant future… to strongly shun seeking excuses, creating obstacles, putting barrier, and red tape that hinder their progress and that of the valiant nation of Islam.”
C. Functional Soft Threats Against Anti-Arrogance and Non-Dependence
1. Formation of the Idea of “Dependence” and “Self-Deprecation”:
Although managing the national needs in the contemporary world is based on interaction and cooperation, what should not be overlooked in this cooperation is the principle of “independence”; This means that cooperation and establishing relations should not occur at the expense of losing national independence and making the country dependent in various fields. The basis of dependence is the notion that the country can employ the advanced achievements of other countries by spending the oil revenues thereby using their products and living a happy life. Such thinking fundamentally undermines the political system from within making it weak such that it cannot confront the external pressures. Imam Khomeini said: “I am sure certain that the Iranian nation will not exchange a moment of their independence and honour for a thousand years of life at the coquetry and mercy of a master subservient toward the aliens and foreigners.”
One of the cases of this non-economic dependence is self-deprecation and immobility, which produce weakness and provide the ground for the domination and victory of the enemies. Ayatollah Khamenei states: “For many years, they instilled the idea in the Iranians’ minds and beliefs that they cannot do anything and that they should follow the west. They do not allow us to believe in ourselves.”
“If a nation was not active and did not value itself or its future, the enemies would start making plans for it.”
D. Functional Soft Threats Against the Revolutionaryism
1. Seeking Comfort and Social Negligence:
In Islamic political thought, power is a matter of “responsibility” not “benefit”; Therefore, those in power have more “duties” than “interests.” If this relationship is disturbed for any reason and power turns into an ability to gain benefits, those who take power will, as stated by Imam Ali (a), squander the public interest and capital as though they are ownerless properties. From this perspective, Imam Khomeini and the Supreme Leader of the Islamic Revolution, when it comes to critically reviewing the political system, consider the luxuriousness, comfort-seeking and disregarding the principle of minimalism as the soft threats to the future of the Islamic Revolution that can lead to destruction and annihilation without bloodshed and war.
Ayatollah Khamenei says: “Sometimes we spend extravagantly in our personal life, which is a matter between ourselves and God and it may be Haram (forbidden), makruh (undesirable) or mubah (permissible) in Islam. However, sometimes government officials spend extravagantly in front of the people which is undoubtedly Haram, and not makruh or mubah. This is because such moves and actions promote aristocracy and extravagance. By spending extravagantly in front of other people, we encourage such things, first among our subordinates and then among the people. We must not encourage people to do such things. There might be wealthy people in our society who live an extravagant life, which is of course bad, but it does not concern others. However, any extravagance by government officials is unacceptable because first of all, we are not spending out of our own pockets but from what belongs to the people and second, our extravagance will encourage others to be extravagant.”
Reference: Pazhouheshnameh-ye Enqelab-e Eslami [A Quarterly Academic-Research Journal on the Islamic Revolution]. Volume 7, Number 23, Summer 2017, Pages 1-19
Archive of The Enemies of the Islamic Revolution
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