Abstract
In this article, we intend to explain the Supreme Leader’s view on national identity and nationalism. Therefore, we first examine his views on nationality and ethnicity, and then we analyze nationalism, national identity, and the elements that make up national identity in their minds. Ayatollah Khamenei, in addition to national and sectarian identity, considers all Muslims in the world to have a larger and transnational identity in the name of the Islamic ummah and emphasizes the preservation of the unity of the Islamic ummah. Therefore, from his point of view, we will explain the relationship between national and ethnic identities and Islamic identity. Also in this article, from their point of view, we refer to the role and goal of arrogance in depriving nations of their identity and creating discord in the Islamic world and the way to cure these disorders.
The statistical population of the researchers in this article was the collection of statements and messages published by the Supreme Leader from June 1989 to September 2013.
- Ayatollah Khamenei’s lines of thought on the subject of nationalism.
- To examine national identity from the perspective of the Supreme Leader, it is necessary to first explain the guidelines of their views on the subject of “nationalism”; because the discussion of national identity is a subset of the acceptance of nationality as a level of analysis.
- Recognition of nationality
The Supreme Leader presents the nation as a single entity and one of the levels of collective identity and has even commented on its various dimensions. In his view, although the nation is formed from the community of individuals, it also has a distinct generality from individuals. Each nation independently has a historical identity and destiny. Therefore, a nation can be pious or ungodly. Public piety or the piety of the nation, except for private piety, is individual (Statement, 31 August 1990). Likewise, the nation, like an individual, is tested in difficult times and situations (Statements, 26 August 1990). Ayatollah Khamenei, quoting the holy verse, “God does not change a people’s lot unless they change what is in their hearts” explains this meaning and shows that the transpersonal identity of human societies should not be ignored (Statements, 9 November 2006):
The will of the God Almighty in favour of a nation is subject to the will of the nation. No truth or reality in the context of a nation’s life changes according to God’s will unless that nation itself strives for it (27 September 2000).
Of course, he considers a special kind of nationality to be respectable; a nationality that does not negate other nations and peoples (Statements, 3 November 2001). In fact, he proposes two nationalisms based on negative and positive tendencies in the discussion of nationalism; negative nationalism and positive nationalism (Statements, 15 April 1990).
Types of Nationalism
- Negative Nationalism
In negative nationalism, dependence and interest in oneself and one’s own community is accompanied by negative tendencies and denial of others; that is, proving one’s dependence on a nation puts one in front of one’s global family. Therefore, he must conspire against all other nations and be evil to them. Usually, when the nationalist tendency in a group becomes extreme and strong, they are led to the negation of others (Statements, 15 April 1990 and 17 December 2002). In negative nationalism, people suffer from an excessive interest in Qom and their nation, which is a kind of heart disease (Statements, 18 October 1998). Nations also suffer from racial respiration and pride, and they try to prove their superiority by relying on race and nationalism, and they build a fence around themselves by relying on these racial tendencies. This pride extends to international wars and bloodshed and large-scale spending and the destruction of the rights of others (Statements, 9 July 1991).
In the opinion of the Supreme Leader, this kind of nationalism is incomplete and rejected and strongly rejected (Statements, 15 April 1990 and 17 December 2002). He cites the reasons why some nations are interested in extremist nationalism, the elimination of religion and the lack of Islamic values: Nationalism may temporarily create a sense of pride and enthusiasm for a nation, but it will destroy humanity. Today, materially progressive countries are still embroiled in racial warfare and ethnic differences in terms of attachment to this type of nationalism (Statements, 13 February 1991 and 15 September 1992).
- Positive Nationalism
In positive nationalism, a person considers himself dependent on a particular country and nation and is interested in his homeland, but does not negate other nations and people and respects their rights. In other words, a person feels honoured and proud of his or her nationality and affiliation and has self-confidence (Statements, 15 April 1990 and 17 December 2002), but this honour is not rooted in the negation of others. Ayatollah Khamenei not only does not consider positive nationalism bad but also considers such a nation respectable (Statements, 3 November 2001) and says: “We accept nationalism in its positive sense. Everyone should be interested in their homeland. Can anyone be away from their homeland? In this sense, nationalism is a good thing (Statements, 15 April 1990). Of course, this should not be confused with imperfect nationalism, the same negative nationalism that we have always rejected; this is positive nationalism; this is nationalism in the good sense of the word; we need it (Statements, 17 December 2002).
Analysis of Nationalism
One of the destructive effects of negative nationalism is the creation of divisions in terms of strengthening tribal, ethnic, and national tendencies. For this reason, the Supreme Leader emphasizes that this issue must be considered in the strategy of confronting nationalism (15 April 1990 and 17 September 1992). He believes that from the beginning of the entry of European colonialism into Islamic countries, one of the policies of the colonialists to dominate and Muslim nations has been to create divisions among Muslims and prevent their unification (Statements, 18 May 1993). In this way, the use of the tools of nationalism is very obvious: according to him, the conspiracies and methods of the enemies of the Islamic world to create divisions in the Islamic world are:
First: Intensification of ethnic feelings and divisions (Statements, 13 February 1991 and 24 April 2001)
Second: Creating and intensifying sectarian differences and fomenting Shi’ah-Sunni time difference (15 March 2009).
Third: Use of intrusive or misunderstood internal elements (Letters, 18 May 1993).
Fourth. Establishment of corrupt and puppet governments (Statements, 13 July 1989 and 14 July 1989)
Fifth: Creating suspicion between Islamic states and nations and making them distrust each other (Statements, 8 May 2008 and 9 February 1997).
Sixth. The occupation of Palestine and the establishment of the Zionist regime (Statements, 27 December 2000).
Seventh: Elimination of the unifying slogans of the Islamic ummah (Statements, 9 February 1997).
The Supreme Leader considers this rupture of the Islamic world, which occurred due to nationalist or sectarian feelings between Shi’ahs and Sunnis, as a very bitter experience and considers it one of the great pains of the Islamic ummah (Statements, 2 March 1995). He also considers the idea of “strengthening nationalism to fight arrogance” to be a misconception and believes that colonial politics today is too precise to allow people to incite people against them with a sense of nationalism. They will even use this sense in their service: “Arab ethnicity is an example. Do Arab ethnicity would stand against the United States, in the service of the United States and will work in their favour?” (Statements, 16 September 1991).
Ayatollah Khamenei believes that in the face of this single arrogant empire, there is no intellectual tendency other than Islam. He emphasizes that humanity is still in conflict and racial wars: Today, human beings still need the call for unity, monotheism and Islamic justice (Statements, 15 September 1992 and 16 September 1991); a call that can manage arrogance in the form of sustainability and the damage caused by negative nationalism proposed arrogance. From this perspective, negative nationalism can be considered and introduced by the enemies as the main and strategic pillar of creating divisions in the Islamic world.
- Islam and Nationalism
The Supreme Leader does not consider ethnicity and race as a criterion for defining identity and, citing the holy verse of Indeed, the most noble of you in the sight of God is the most righteous of you, (the Holy Quran, Surah al-Hujurat, verse 13) believes that in the Islamic view, there is no difference between different races and languages (Statements, 7 May 2004 and 15 September 1992). And ethnic and nationalist differences are completely at odds with Islam. Therefore, the motivations for division between human beings, such as ethnicity, race, blood, and colour, should be avoided (Statements, 12 May 2009).
Islam opposes racial differences; any differences, wherever they may be, are contrary to the views of Islam and the Quran, whether political differences or tribal differences. We reject nationalist differences around the world (Statements, 21 August 1991).
With this description, it becomes clear that nationalism is analyzed in the period of the main approach in Islam.
Posterior approach: The Islamic Position Toward Nationalism
At this level of analysis, Islam sees nationalism as an issue that has arisen and, as a result, requires a reaction (negative or positive). It is at this level that the theory of positive and negative nationalism is presented. The existence of different ethnic and racial identities is recognized by Islam, and strong blood ties are one of the strengths of societies. In Islam, family communication and communication with relatives and relatives post and mercy is one of the obligatory relative a procedure (4 May 2008).
However, he considers this type of communication and connection to be a positive aspect of Islamism and approved by Islam and believes that its negative aspect, that is, prejudice that leads to the denial of other ethnic groups and conflict between groups, is not acceptable to Islam and should be abandoned.
Of course, in the view of the Supreme Leader, the mere expression of this theory is not enough, and in addition, the diversity of ethnic groups has been mentioned as an opportunity and a threat. An opportunity that can be identified in the following areas:
First: Creating Identity Strength
The various components of the nation can complement each other with proper communication and coexistence and unity of traditions, customs and habits, various and diverse talents (Statements, 12 May 2009).
Second: Create Positive Competition
By creating competition between different ethnic groups, great strides will be made in the direction of national and Islamic ideals, and many talents will flourish (Statements, 14 October 2009).
Based on this, it can be claimed that in Islam, positive nationalism is considered as an opportunity, and the existence of such differences is not only not considered a threat, but can also help strengthen the national identity.
Preliminary Approach: The Design of the Theory of the Islamic ummah
In this approach, Islam does not comment only on the current situation in the Islamic world and speaks of a progressive model called the ummah. Although the Supreme Leader pays attention to the types of collective identities in the contemporary world, since in his opinion they are an essential component in creating identity, religious and cultural elements, in addition to their national and sectarian identities, he considers all Muslims in the world to have a larger and transnational identity, a religious identity known as the Islamic ummah. A single nation is greater than a nation that is formed on the basis of the common aspirations and goals of the Islamic world (Statements, 5 December 2007); other identities are also accepted to the extent that they do not conflict with Islamic identity (Statements, 13 March 1994 and 15 September 1992).
Ayatollah Khamenei, referring to the holy verse (Surah Al Imran, verse 103), emphasizes that the Islamic world must put aside its differences and ensure unity by coordinating and relying on common ground. Of course, in their view, the existence of differences is natural, but unity, despite these differences, makes sense (Statements, 20 October 1989 and 8 October 1990). He emphasizes ethnic and national identities as the biggest cause of division in the Islamic world, which should be avoided by relying on the model of the Islamic ummah (Statements, 15 March 2009).
Ayatollah Khamenei, in order to explain the necessity of the unity of the Islamic ummah, mentions some reasons that can be divided into two general categories of religious and moral reasons:
- The Emphasis on the Unity of Islam
The Supreme Leader, citing the holy verse “And hold firmly to the rope of God all together” and do not become divided points out that the unity of the Islamic ummah is so important from the Islamic point of view that even in the strike against the rope of God and grabbing the divine rope, it is a relationship between a servant and God, and it seems that it should be an individual relationship. Quran wants everyone to do this together and collectively (Statements, 9 February 1997).
- Unity Management Needs
Reason dictates that Islamic governments use this reserve and possibility and this large population of one billion and several hundred million Muslims in various issues of the Islamic world; (Statements, 9 April 1996). The unity of the word on the axis of Islam is the only way to protect the interests of the Islamic nations (Statements, 2 September 2005). The Supreme Leader also cites some of the results and effects of the Islamic Union, which include:
First: The appearance and revelation of the greatness of Islam and the creation of dignity and authority in the form of the Islamic ummah (Statements, 13 March 1994 and the message to the pilgrims, 1 April 1998).
Second: The common goals and ideals of the Islamic world are revived and realized (5 December 2007).
Third: The domination of Muslims over all divisive tricks, while maintaining national and sectarian identity in various parts of the Islamic ummah. Instead of denying and humiliating each other, ethnicities strengthen each other by exchanging talents and experiences (Message to Pilgrims, 1 April 1998 and 16 June 1991).
Fourth: Overcoming the enemies of Islam, especially theocratic power and no need of dependence on foreigners; create a sense of dignity and courage with unity (Message to the pilgrims, 16 June 1991 and Statements, 2 July 1989 and Statements 2 September 2005, Statements, 15 September 1992 and 13 March 1994).
Fifth: In the face of oppression against Muslim nations, the international community is fulfilling its real duty and will not remain silent (Statements, 15 September 1992).
Sixth: Another point is that the Supreme Leader believes that the Islamic Revolution and the Republic have been the messengers and initiators of this movement towards the Islamic unity and attention to the Islamic ummah and the avoidance of ethnic and sectarian differences in the Islamic world (Islamic Statement, 10 September 2003 and Statement, 3 July 1989).
The conclusion is that Ayatollah Khamenei accepts nationalism, if it is based on positive tendencies, in the sense that it is an incentive for unity and empathy and does not lead to the negation of others. But if nationalism is presented as an ideology to reinforce the prejudices and denials of others, it is not desirable and will be rejected.
The Theory of the Superiority of Religious Identity
Given the strategic position of religious values in the formation of identities (see Honorary and Perfection, 1998: 78), major political and social analysts emphasize the need to pay special attention to religions in order to recognize communities and their management; so much so that even opponents of religious schools insist on the use of religious models in cultural invasion and see them as effective ways to achieve their hegemonic goals (Eftekhari and Kamali, 1998: Chapters 3 to 5). From this perspective, the question of the relationship between religious identity and nationalist identity is an important issue. In various statements, the Supreme Leader has pointed out that show the superiority of religious identity over nationalism. Especially since they believe that in addition to all the conditions and possibilities, communication with God is the most important factor that guarantees the progress of a nation. In its absence, any kind of achievement and progress may be used in the wrong ways, such as destroying another nation (Statements, 9 November 2006). He believes that every nation must have an inner and spiritual motivation to grow and develop and defend itself, which is primarily a faith and religious motivation; because it is a motivating motive, countries that lack religious motivation have to strengthen the sense of nationalism, ethnicity, or patriotism so that they may be able to fill the void of that spiritual motivation (Statements, 14 November 2000).
Of course, there is a difference between a nationalist feeling and a deep religious faith. Because in the Islamic system, the relationship between the people and the officials and their mutual support for each other and the efforts and struggles are done in the way of God and it has depth and quality that cannot be found in any other system (Statements, 23 August 1990). He considers the enthusiasm created by nationalism to be temporary and causes separation, division and destruction of human beings and colonial plans, and believes that in such a system, people do not have political understanding and analysis, but in Islamic society, people have a political analysis and form their relationships with a pure divine motive (Statements, 13 February 1991 and 13 December 1989).
In his view, nationalism is a disease of the heart because it causes extreme interest in one group and the negation of others (Statements, 18 October 1998). Therefore, contrary to the explicit view of Islam, each country and ethnic group has considered itself superior to others, and this pride is drawn to international wars (Statements, 9 July 1991). In international relations, the Supreme Leader emphasizes that we do not rely on race or nationalism in international relations, and we do not accept national pride on this basis. Rather, we give ourselves honour based on monotheistic belief and faith. Referring to the narrations of “Islam is superior and higher than that” (Majlesi, 1403, vol. 47:39) and the holy verse “God will not make the disbeliever a believer,” they consider honour, wisdom and expediency as a necessary triangle for the framework of international relations. (Statements, 9 July 1991).
Overall, the Supreme Leader believes that different types of nationalist sentiments are somehow weak and will in practice lead to harm, but that feeling does not have this shortcoming is a religious feeling and a sense of presence before the Lord of the universe. This sense of divine presence is necessary for man to feel efficient and powerful and not to feel tired (Statements, 22 January 1992). To confirm this, he referred to the important issue of the occupation of Palestine and believed that the nationalist currents had not only solved this problem but that they had also signed disgraceful agreements, which showed that they were unable to solve this problem: nationalism and ethnicism cannot solve big problems. Islam must solve these problems and, by the grace of God, it will solve them (Statements, 16 September 1993). In the Supreme Leader’s view, the world is an arrogant building, and the only way to cure these disorders is Islam, not nationalism, because not only other nations, even other religions, do not have the value system that can govern a society. That’s why he emphasizes: “Muslim nations must consider it their greatest duty today to return to Islam and its rule. This is the dearest, most immediate, and greatest and most effective goal that Muslim nations can pursue today; there is no cure other than this (13 February 1991).
Based on this, it becomes clear that in the mind of the Supreme Leader, there is a distinct narrative of conventional and secular nationalism; a narrative that shows the fundamental, epistemological, and functional differences between nationalism in the two schools of Islam and secular liberal democracy.
Archive of Ayatollah Khamenei
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