Religious leadership and Marja'iyyah(religious authorities)

Religious leadership and Marja'iyyah(religious authorities)

 

Imam Khomeyni believed that taking the leadership of the political movements is possible only through religious authority; therefore, considering the political position and courage of Ayatollah Boroujerdi, he found him the right person for taking such a position. Therefore, when Ayatollah Boroujerdi was hospitalized in Tehran for treatment, Imam Khomeyni went to see him and in the meantime, he invited Ayatollah to come to Qom. Imam Khomeyni made many efforts in this regard and eventually succeeded. Many scholars acknowledge that Imam Khomeyni played a key role in persuading Ayatollah Boroujerdi to stay in Qom and establishing his religious authority.

For several political-religious reasons, Imam Khomeyni chose Ayatollah Boroujerdi to take that position: First, he believed that a Shi’ah marja’ (source of emulation) should reside in Iran and that the Iranians should know him, as Iranians constituted most of the followers of the maraja’ (sources of emulation) who were living in Iraq. Hence, instead of Iraq, Iran should be seen as a base in which religious authority is centred. That is why, even while Ayatollah Qommi was living in Karbala, Imam Khomeyni was taking his side. Second, in the view of Imam Khomeyni, Ayatollah Boroujerdi’s presence in Qom would contribute to the intellectual flourishing of the Islamic Seminary of Qom and Iranian scholars.

 

Because he was a well-known mujtahid with a profound and unique understanding and knowledge in various fields of Islamic areas. In addition, unlike contemporary scholars, he had a special teaching method such that, in the view of Imam Khomeyni, the students attending his classes would gain deep understanding. Third, turning Qom into a centre of religious authority would help the maraja’ being aware of the country’s political events.

 

Imam Khomeyni believed that one of the most important reasons for the failure of the Constitutionalism and the establishment of Reza Khan’s dictatorship was the absence of maraja’ of Iraq from Iran. such absence makes them being misinformed about political events which in some cases would lead to making improper decisions.

 

During the reign of Reza Khan and Mohammad-Reza Pahlavi, Ayatollah Boroujerdi stood against the anti-Islamic plans of the regime in two cases, which were one of the bright spots in the record of his political life. Fourth, the presence of Ayatollah Boroujerdi in Qom could contribute to the reorganization of the Islamic Seminary of Qom and pave the way for creating one single religious authority. In addition, Ayatollah Boroujerdi’s ethical and moral virtues have given him a special status.

 

For these reasons, although Imam Khomeyni was a prominent figure in the field of Islamic studies, yet he used to attend Ayatollah Boroujerdi’s classes calling them instructive and fruitful so that his religious authority would be established. On the other hand, being aware of Imam Khomeyni’s virtues and political wisdom and status, Ayatollah Boroujerdi considered him as one of his closest advisers and assigned him important tasks of managing and organizing the seminary. Moreover, Ayatollah Boroujerdi used to invite Imam Khomeyni to participate in political meetings and present his views to which Imam Khomeyni spared no effort.

 

Imam Khomeyni was an important and active member of the “Heyat-e Moslehin.” This assembly was composed of a group of lecturers and teachers of the seminary who were assigned the task of making reforms in the seminary by Ayatollah Boroujerdi. 

 

Also, in 1952, Imam Khomeyni along with two of his friends and like-minded contemporaries prepared a plan based on which the endowed properties should be governed by a religious authority. The plan was to be approved by the National Assembly after the approval of Ayatollah Boroujerdi. But all these planning and efforts failed due to the objections of some people who were affiliated with Ayatollah Boroujerdi as well as the narrow-minded sanctimonious individuals accompanying him. these people even made him pessimistic about the reformers of the seminary including Imam Khomeyni pretending that they try to undermine the religious authority and maraja’.

 

The presence of biased and sanctimonious individuals in the office (beyt) of Ayatollah Boroujerdi, the uncertainties of Ayatollah who was afraid of or influenced by their oppositions, discouraged Imam Khomeyni and some other Muslim scholars from making any reforms in the seminary and put an end to their close ties with Ayatollah. Soon after, the unfortunate consequences of that situation became apparent in the Islamic Seminary of Qom and other seminaries. Less than two years after Ayatollah Boroujerdi’s leadership, the seminary of Qom and some other cities were in fiscal distress due to receiving insufficient funds and were in danger of being dissolved. Although Imam Khomeyni was annoyed with Ayatollah Boroujerdi, he believed that such a situation would cause a great loss to the Shi’ah community.

 

Despite cold relations, Imam Khomeyni believed in the legal necessity of preserving Ayatollah Boroujerdi’s position. Hence, whenever possible, he would do his best to make Ayatollah Boroujerdi aware of the truth warning him about the deceitful people in his office.

 

As in the aftermath of the death of Ayatollah Sayyed Mohammad-Taqi Khansari – a vigilant and dedicated marja’ who contributed to the seminaries and anti-colonial campaigns for his entire life – Ayatollah Boroujerdi, because of the incitement and intimidation of some people, refused to attend the funeral ceremony. When Imam Khomeyni found out about this decision, via one of his friends whom Ayatollah Boroujerdi trusted, tried to make Ayatollah Boroujerdi aware of the negative consequences of such decision. Consequently, Ayatollah Boroujerdi attended the funeral and performed the funeral prayer. Moreover, the same people, with the help of some of the court officials, tried to persuade Ayatollah Boroujerdi to oppose Dr. Mosaddeq, but they failed.

 

The aim of creating the Constituent Assembly was strengthening the Shah’s power and expanding his scope of authority under the constitution.

 

Overcoming the obstacles by arresting Ayatollah Kashani and sending him into exile as well as dissolving the Tudeh Party, the Shah sent the prime minister (Dr. Manuchehr Eqbal) to talk with Ayatollah Boroujerdi in an attempt to find about his ideas and views regarding the Constituent Assembly and seek his approval or at least make sure he would show no objection. According to one historian, Imam Khomeyni attended the meeting on behalf of Ayatollah Boroujerdi. In the meeting, he stated that:

 

“We will never allow you to make such a change to the constitution because it would be the beginning of breaking the laws of the country and allowing the government to abolish the law and impose another one according to his interests.”

 

On another occasion, Dr. Eqbal again spoke to Ayatollah Boroujerdi without the presence of Imam Khomeyni, assuring them that the Constituent Assembly would not change or alter the legal provisions that are related to Islam, and eventually, Ayatollah Boroujerdi declared that he has no objection to the formation of the Assembly.

 

As everyone in and outside the seminary was talking about Ayatollah Boroujerdi’a approval regarding the formation of the Constituent Assembly, Imam Khomeyni and some other scholars decided to ask him about this decision through writing a letter:

“Because it is reported that negotiations have been held between his holiness and some officials regarding the Constituent Assembly and that consequently, you have agreed to the formation of this Assembly, we humbly ask you to reveal the truth in this regard since the formation of the Constituent Assembly will affect the future affairs of the country as well as the religious, national, and social interests and that the scope of the authority of the members and the consequences of such action are unclear.” In his reply to this letter, Ayatollah Boroujerdi declared that he will not oppose the formation of the Assembly unless it acts against the Islamic laws. It is noteworthy that Ayatollah Kashani, who was in exile at that time, issued a statement declaring that the purpose of the formation of the Constituent Assembly is to change the constitution and while strongly condemning such decision urged people to stand up against the oppressors.

 

Among the important political events that took place during Ayatollah Boroujerdi’s life, one or two events are of importance: first, the formation of the Israeli government and the first Arab-Israeli war; second, arresting the leader along with a number of influential figures of Fada’iyan-e Islam group in December 1955 and putting them on trial.

 

Although all the evidence indicated that they will be killed, Ayatollah Boroujerdi thought that the government would only prosecute them, so he took no action to undermine the court’s ruling. But Imam Khomeyni’s stance on this issue is of importance. Since from a legal perceptive he believed that Ayatollah Boroujerdi’s authority has to be preserved, therefore on the one hand he did not agree with the critical and sometimes aggressive position of Fada’iyan members regarding Ayatollah Boroujerdi and later Ayatollah Kashani – but on the other hand, he could not let the government carry out the execution; hence, to prevent the execution, Imam Khomeyni went to see Ayatollah Boroujerdi and urged him to take a serious action to prevent the execution, but Ayatollah said he would not interfere in this matter. Therefore, Imam Khomeyni realized that he had to do something in this regard.

 

The motives of Imam Khomeyni for such actions have not been mentioned: First of all, Fada’iyan members were provided by a legal fatwa – at least for killing Razmara – issued by Ayatollah Kashani, the fully qualified mujtahid of the time; second, their trial and execution, including Navvab Safavi, meant taking revenge on the political and active clergies which rose the concern that the execution would be the beginning of other arrests, trials and executions of clerics and fighters. After the arrest of Navvab Safavi, Ayatollah Kashani was also arrested and imprisoned for complicity in the killing of Razmara.

 

It was probably for these reasons that when Imam Khomeyni realized that Ayatollah Boroujerdi will take no action to prevent the execution of Fada’iyan members, he wrote letters to three influential persons (Reza Rafi’i, Behbahani and Sadr al-Ashraf), and presented various reasons and arguments calling them to prevent the execution. But he received no answer except for one who wrote a “childish response.”

 

After consolidating his power by arresting, imprisoning, and killing the opposition parties and groups, the Shah no longer had to pretend that he is abiding by Ayatollah Boroujerdi’s views and opinions. From then on, the relationship between the Shah and Ayatollah Boroujerdi grew cold.

 

The election campaign in the United States began in the second half of 1959. The Shah knew that if the Democrats win the election, their intended economic-political reforms will be carried out anyway; So, amid the United States election campaign, Dr. Eqbal, the prime minister, brought the “delimitation of the private ownership bill” to parliament on December 12, 1959. Ayatollah Boroujerdi, who was aware that the purpose of such a measure is to ease American political pressure and that the real interests of the peasants are not considered, wrote a protest letter to the parliament, calling the bill “against Islam and shari’ah” and insisted that he would oppose it. Despite Ayatollah Boroujerdi’s opposition, the bill passed by the Senate on May 16, 1960, but it was postponed afterwards. The Shah, being deeply upset about the failure of the bill, wrote a sharp letter to Ayatollah Boroujerdi, calling him “Hujjat al-Islam” instead of “Ayatollah.” In the letter, while noting that the law of land reform had taken place in other Islamic countries, Shad stated that “we have ordered that the law should be implemented like other Islamic countries.”

 

Ayatollah Boroujerdi invited Imam Khomeyni and several other scholars to a meeting so that they could provide a proper response to the Shah. After the meeting, Ayatollah Boroujerdi showed the Shah’s letter to the scholars including Imam Khomeyni. While some became upset and some others expressed no reaction due to their fear, Imam Khomeyni, referring to the phrase “we have ordered...” in the letter suggested to Ayatollah Boroujerdi that:” you also write decisively: “this is against the constitution. The Shah has no right to say such a thing. Our country is following constitutionalism. We have a parliament.”

 

Thus, although the Shah’s plan was thwarted, but after a year and a half when Ayatollah Boroujerdi passed away, the Shah immediately implemented the law of land reform.

 

Imam Khomeyni, during the 16 years of the religious authority of Ayatollah Boroujerdi, was teaching jurisprudence and its principles in seminaries, and also compiled and edited treatises in these areas. He was well aware that in order for a full-fledged Islamic revolution to take place, the atmosphere of narrow-mindedness and intellectual extremism that is dominating the seminaries had to be changed so that the ground is set for the occurrence of an ideological and intellectual revolution within the seminaries and society. Therefore, during these years, Imam Khomeyni has trained many students all of whom became knowledgeable enough in the field of Islam and obtained political-social views as well as the spirit of Islamic struggle. In his lessons, books and at every opportunity, Imam Khomeyni would articulate his jurisprudential-political ideas and elaborate on various aspects of the Guardianship of the Jurisprudent theory. 

 

As in the first chapter of his treatise on ijtihad and taqlid, Imam Khomeyni addressed this issue by discussing the responsibilities and the scope of the authority of a Jurist. This is one of the earliest jurisprudential sources in which the core of the vital issue of the Guardianship of the Jurisprudent has been briefly and rationally discussed.

In 1953, while teaching jurisprudence and its principles in the seminary Imam Khomeyni set out to write a small treatise on the issue of “taqiyyah” (dissimulation) using the methods that Shaykh Ansari had adopted in his works. This treatise refers to the original and true meaning of taqiyyah, which was largely contrary to the common perception of this concept, and emphasized that taqiyyah is for the preservation of religion, not its eradication.

 

The distinctive characteristic of this treatise in comparison with other works done by old and contemporary scholars is that they have predominantly and explicitly studied this concept only within the framework of Islamic denominations, in particular, Shi’ahs and Sunnis, and the issue of disbelievers, especially the long-standing and stubborn enemies of Islam and the hypocrites of the past centuries, was rarely posed and discussed except as an allegory or the like. But this treatise, in various parts, talks about and introduces the sworn enemies of Islam and Muslims so that the Muslim clerics would not confine taqiyyah to Islamic denominations and consider a broader meaning for such concept. 

 

The last point is that at the time of the demise of Ayatollah Boroujerdi on April 9, 1961, Imam Khomeyni was considered a well-known figure in the Islamic Seminary of Qom.

 

leadership the activity of leading More (Definitions, Synonyms, Translation)

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