A Foreign Policy Based on the Principles of Islamic Republic
The foreign policy of the Islamic Republic of Iran is based on a set of principles that serve as guiding principles for the activism of this policy in the international arena. The most important principles of the foreign policy of the Islamic Republic of Iran are as follows: standing up against the oppressors, supporting the oppressed and liberation movements, protection and defence of Muslims, non-interference in the internal affairs of the countries and mutual respect.
The principles of the foreign policy of the Islamic Republic of Iran represent specific viewpoints. Also, considering the concepts of protecting the oppressed and liberation movements, as well as supporting and defending the Muslims as the principles of the Islamic Revolution, it seeks to defend their identity, territorial integrity and values and other Islamic countries. This policy is not based on invasion and expansionism in any way with respect to the countries of the region. However, some Middle Eastern countries have always adopted hostile attitudes towards Iran, which are taken largely due to incorrect interpretations of Iran’s foreign policy.
The Hostile Attitude of Arab States regarding the Principles of Islamic Revolution
For some reason, the aforementioned basic principles of the Islamic Revolution were followed by incorrect interpretations of the Arab countries of the region, especially the Arab states of the Persian Gulf. The lack of a proper understanding of principles of the Islamic Revolution among these Arab states, on the one hand, and the non-democratic and conservative nature of these countries on the other, resulted in adopting an aggressive and hostile approach towards the Islamic Revolution and its foreign policy.
Among the policies contingent on the basic principles of the Islamic Revolution upon which foreign policy will be implemented, are: efforts have been made in an attempt to establish an Islamic alliance (Shi’ah Crescent), opposing tyranny and American expansionism in the region, supporting Muslims in the Middle East especially Palestinians and Lebanese, rebuilding Iraq infrastructure and restoring regional stability, as well as addressing security concerns of the country.
This indicates that Iran seeks to extend its influence and increase its “Relative Power” throughout the Middle East. This perception has made the Arab countries of the region consider Iran’s foreign policy as “offensive” and expansive (Barzegar, 2009: 115).
To prevent the Islamic Republic of Iran’s actions, these countries are trying to resolve Iran’s security concerns by supporting the United States-Israel aggressive approach. The efforts made by the Islamic Republic of Iran to clarify and show the defensive nature of its policies have not been able to resolve the security concerns of these countries with respect to Iran for two reasons: One is the misunderstanding and aggressive perception of the principles of the Islamic Revolution; second, the conservative and anti-democratic nature of these regimes which have been ruled under a political authoritarian system since the mid-1980s (Knickmeyer, 2010: 6).
In sum, these factors have left the Arab countries of the Persian Gulf and the Middle East to choose the rational option which was “deterrence” and “containment” of the role and influence of Iran. This determines the causes of the sensitivity of these countries concerning Iran’s activism in recent developments of the Middle East and North Africa (Islamic Awakening).
The Islamic Awakening Movement and the Positions of Arab Governments Concerning the Increasing Role and influence of Iran in the Region
The developments that occurred in the Middle East in 2011 are a symbol of social revolutions. Revolutions are founded on religious discourse and Islamism. This is obviously a reflection of the Islamic Revolution of Iran in the Middle East (Mottaqi, 2012: 164). People-based revolutions in the Arab world have forced the Middle East countries to reassess the governmental structures. According to many analysts, the recent movements in the Middle East are connected to and inspired by Iran’s 1979 revolution (Dareieni, 2011: 12). In fact, today the Islamic Awakening has emerged through a social and organizational movement and as a phenomenon influenced by the intellectual movement of the Islamic Republic.
Undoubtedly, the Islamic Revolution is a major factor in the awakening of Islam and has played a special role in the process of awakening the Muslim people of the region. These movements, under the influence of the revolution and Islamic ideology of Iran, can lead to the rise of religious identities in the Middle East and the expansion of Iran’s dominance throughout the region (Nordland and Kirkpatrick, 2011: 8).
Hence, the reflections of the Islamic Revolution today have affected the Middle East’s regional system more than ever. Many analysts believe that strengthening the position of the Islamic Republic of Iran against their regional rivals is one of the most important consequences of the recent developments in the region and the rise of popular and anti-tyrannical revolutions in Western-allied Arab countries. This development is affected by the semantic structure that stems from the Islamic Revolution and the interaction of this structure with the movements within the Arab world (Abbasi-Eshlaqi, 2021: 25).
The system of tyranny within which the United States and non-grassroots leaders in the region play a key role is trying to accuse Iran of interfering in the internal affairs of the countries of the region. In addition, they try to control and make deep religious-popular movements of the nations of the region ineffective by adopting a double standard towards these uprisings so that they could pave the way for exploitation of these uprisings (Karimabadi, 2011, 25).
In fact, the political leaders and the governmental structure of the Arab states of the region, such as Egypt, Saudi Arabia, Bahrain, and the United Arab Emirates, have gained power by the means of oppression and authoritarianism (Mottaqi, 2011: 171). This is one of the main causes of the Islamic Awakening and protests of people. Fareed Zakaria, in explaining this situation, sees Arab rulers as the main cause of such threats in the Middle East and states that: “Arab rulers in the Middle East are authoritarian, corrupt and oppressive. They are reluctant to hold elections. The election in these countries has created a political crisis. Political parties also humiliate other governments since the two sides are opposing each other” (Zakaria, 2008, 174).
In fact, with the rise of the Islamic Awakening in the region, the tension between Iran and the Arab countries of the Persian Gulf region has been escalated and consequently, Iran’s influence has increased. For example, in Egypt after the fall of Hosni Mubarak, Egypt’s relations with Tehran are improving and also passing two Iranian warships from the Suez Canal to reach Syria set alarm bells ringing among the Arab countries of the Persian Gulf (Lynch, 2011: 4).
The developments that occurred in the Arab world, while enhancing the regional role and influence of Iran, have also added to the sensitivity of the countries of the region with respect to the aims of Iran’s presence in these developments. In general, in recent developments, Kuwait and Jordan have realized that being with Saudi Arabia and the United States would guarantee their interest and put Iran at the centre of their allegations. Moreover, Bahrain and Yemen, which are at the centre of recent developments, are concerned about Iran’s influence over Shi’ahs living in their country. In addition, the efforts of many secular governments in different countries of the Middle East to eliminate religion should be taken into consideration. Of course, these efforts have not yielded a favourable outcome and even led to the formation of the resistance movements and fundamentalist groups throughout the region (Marty: 1992: 3-8).
Iranophobia and Shi’aphobia
The Victory of Hezbollah in the 33-Day War
With the outbreak of the American war against the Iraqi government on March 19, 2003, and subsequently the collapse of the Ba’athist regime led by Saddam Hussein, Iraqi Shi’ahs were able to seize power in political spheres. This event, along with the 33-Day War between Hezbollah of Lebanon and Israel (2006), which made Hezbollah an important and influential actor of the region, led to the expansion of Iran’s influence and its impact on developments in the Middle East. This caused conservative political-security institutions from the Sunni regions concerned about the increasing influence of Shi’ahs, especially Iran, and the emergence of a “Shi’ah Crescent.” The Shi’ah Crescent is a term that has a history in German literature and was posed for the first time in December 2004 by King Abdullah II. Simultaneous with the Shi’ahs gaining power in Iraq, this term was utilized to show the domain of Shi’ah influence that includes Lebanon, Syria, Iraq, Iran, Pakistan and Afghanistan. This confirms the expansion of the sphere of influence of the Shi’ahs not only in Iran and Lebanon but also in all countries where there is a Shi’ah population.
Despite Iranophobia that is spread through the concept of Shi’ism, Iran’s unity and convergence with the Shi’ahs of the region is not merely ideological; rather it is due to political reality, an attempt to reach Islamic Unity, Supporting the Muslims and confronting the widespread American presence in the region. In fact, the purpose of the Shi’ah Crescent project is to provoke Arab countries against Iran. The King of Saudi Arabia in an interview with a Kuwaiti newspaper expressed his concern about the process of turning Sunnis into Shi’ahs with the help of Iran, (www.fetrat.com). The head of the House of Representatives (Jordan), Faysal al-Ghaydhah, also claimed that the Iranian Shi’ah Crescent is becoming the full moon and called for the adoption of a single position from Arab states with respect to Iran (Akbari-Karimabadi, 2011: 24).
The main purpose of the Shi’ah Crescent project is to create tension and war between Shi’ahs and Sunnis. Claiming the formation of a Shi’ah Crescent by the Arab heads aimed at undermining Iran and spreading Iranophobia. The kingdoms and Sunni Arab governments of the Middle East are very worried about creating this Shi’ah Crescent. Many now in the region fear that with the Shi’ah Crescent formed by Iranian Shi’ahs, Lebanese, Iraqis and generally those living in the Persian Gulf region, the arena practically will be narrowed down for Sunni governments, leading to Shi’ahs uprisings by whom are dissatisfied with the economic, political and discriminatory conditions within the governments (Bayat, 2010: 68-76).
In the opinion of the leaders and political elites of the Arab countries, the relative victory of Hezbollah against Israel, links the Fertile Crescent – a crescent-shaped region in the Middle East – to the Shi’ah geopolitics of Iran and Iraq, breaking the existing balance after the 1991 security arrangements in a sense that it is heavily skewed to Iran’s advantage. On the one hand, this does not lead to the adoption of a serious Arab strategy against Iran, and on the other, the open hands of Iran in Iraq and Lebanon are considered as a challenge for the Sunni and American worlds. In this regard, the Washington Post talked about a secret meeting between the Saudi authorities and the Israeli Prime Minister on the topic of preventing Iran which was held in Amman, the capital of Jordan, and hosted by Abdullah II (Ebrahimi, 2001: 280). Celebrations were held in eastern Saudi Arabia which is predominantly Shi’ah or in Kuwait and Bahrain, in the wake of the victory of Hezbollah over Israel. These events would bring fear for some of the Arab states of the Persian Gulf with respect to the changing position of Iran in the Middle East.
Spreading Shi’ism in Iraq
With the American military strike in March 2003, Ba’athist Iraq was overthrown and Iraq occupied by American troops. With the occupation of Iraq and the growth of the Shi’ah influence in this country, Iran is also gaining significant influence in Iraq. For example, Iran participated in all the regional conferences on the subject of security of Iraq, which were held in Egypt, Saudi Arabia, Jordan and Istanbul (Turkey). This presence has been a source of concern in the Arab world, as it indicates Iran’s considerable influence on the Arab world, which has led Arab countries to consider Iran’s behaviour as an act of interference (Barzegar, 2001: 150). The worry of the supporters of Iranophobia and Shi’aphobia stems from the element of democracy and its institutionalization in Iraq and its spread in other Middle Eastern countries rather than the element of religious origin. The occupation of Iraq has paved the way for the creation of a new discourse within the Persian Gulf and is the beginning of a fundamental political and social change in some countries, especially Saudi Arabia and Bahrain.
Saudi Arabia is dissatisfied with the Shi’ahs gaining power through democracy in Iraq, in two ways: one is the pattern of Arab democracy in Iraq, within which the Western choice has been institutionalized; second, the Shi’ah gaining power in Iraq, which itself can create security concerns for the eastern, Shi’ah-majority parts of Saudi Arabia, who has long sought to increase their political-social rights. The United Arab Emirates was also one of the first countries to address the risk of Iran’s increasing influence in Iraq and begins to rebuild its relations with Iraq in order to confront Iran’s influence (Salehi, 2011, 161).
In April 2006, Hosni Mubarak announced that the Shi’ahs of the Middle East are more loyal to Iran than their governments. This position was endorsed and repeated by the Persian Gulf states. The entry of Shi’ah militias into the Iraqi Army, as well as the victory of the Da’wah Party and the Islamic Supreme Council of Iraq in the January 2005 election, which support Iran, sparked the anger of the Arab countries as they consider that as the beginning of Iran’s influence in the Arab region (Ebrahimi, 269-270: 2007). In the view of some members of the Gulf Cooperation Council, in the years following the victory of the Islamic Revolution, Iran set out to spread revolutionary ideas throughout the region, supported Islamist political movements and drove them towards fighting against Arab conservative countries, and now interacts with Shi’ahs in an attempt to exert its influence in Iraq, Yemen and Bahrain. These actions have caused suspicions, distrust, and tensions between the Arabs and the Islamic Republic (Dehqani, 2008. 69). Richard Haass in foreign Affairs magazine states that the shift that occurred in the balance of power in the Middle East and the Persian Gulf, the creation of a Shi’ah power in Iraq, and the victory of Hezbollah in Lebanon, have set the ground for the decline of American power. This has worried the Arab countries of the Persian Gulf (Ebrahimi, 2007: 27).
Saudi Arabia announced that the Shi’ahs in Iraq threatens the eastern borders of Iraq. These cases indicate that non-democratic and authoritarian Arab countries are afraid of Shi’ah activism. The uprisings that occurred against the authoritarian rulers of Tunisia, Egypt, Libya and Bahrain have been inspired by the new wave of Islamic Awakening. These events indicate that the Islamic Revolution of Iran as the source of the Islamic Awakening is taking place in Arab countries. Among the Arab countries of the region, Saudi Arabia seems to worry about the situation in Iraq more than others and sees itself in a serious rivalry with Iran. Overall, Saudi Arabia rings alarm bells against Iran’s influence in the region and hence it has not recognized the Shi’ah government in Iraq, and its diplomatic ties with Iran become broken (Naderinasab ،2007: 328-326).
Iran’s Support for Palestinian Movement and Opposing Israel
Since the triumph of the Islamic Revolution of Iran, Imam Khomeini has always emphasized the necessity of supporting the oppressed Palestinian people and considered it a religious duty. Iran’s support for Lebanon, Palestine and the Hamas movement is in line with the implementation of the principles of the Islamic Revolution. some Arab states incorrectly interpret this phenomenon as Iran’s expansionist engagement. In this regard, Saudi Arabia is trying to challenge Iran by intervening in the settlement of the Palestinian crisis and to reduce its power and influence (Naderinasab, 2007: 329).
Iran aims to establish an Islamic government that is centred on the Islamic ummah. This is against Saudi’s ambitions to preserve the status quo. Therefore, Shi’ahs gaining power in Iraq and the activities of Hezbollah are important to them (Aghaei and Ahmadian, 2009: 14).
According to Graham Fuller, the Hezbollah movement has provided a pattern for resistance in countries with Sunni rulers in the region. Meanwhile, this movement spreads the notion of resistance among the Arab countries (Ahmadzadeh, 2005, 7). Since the authority of the Shi’ah governance and the observance of relative democracy in Iraq are inconsistent with the policies of Saudi Arabia (Jumayri, 2010, 152). Therefore, they are attempting to reduce and end Iran’s influence in Iraq and Lebanon, and in general the Shi’ahs of the Middle East, through incitement and support of Sunnis in Lebanon, Iraq and Palestine (Lotfian, 2008: 205). Following the Israeli attacks on Hezbollah in the summer of 2006 and the Gaza Strip in the winter of 2008, Iran fully supported Hezbollah. On the other hand, Saudi Arabia did not take any action in this regard in order to support Israel.
Saudi Arabia believes that Iran is seeking to gain more power by entering the Arab countries of the region. Of course, this perception of the foreign policy of the Islamic Republic of Iran is false because Iran, with the support of the Shi’ah government in Iraq and Hezbollah, has been able to strengthen the Islamic Resistance Front and thereby implement the main element of its strategy that is controlling the power of the United States and Israel. It should be noted that this policy has not been taken in any way to challenge Saudi Arabia. Iran’s support for the Sunni group Hamas, on the one hand, has undermined the role that the different teachings of religious schools of thought play concerning the Palestinian groups and the Islamic Republic of Iran, and on the other hand, has worried Arab countries especially Saudi Arabia. Meanwhile, they are trying to counteract Iran’s power through supporting Sunni groups in Iraq (Jumayri, 2010: 144-146).
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